On February 8, I attended the FMRS (AUC's Forced Migration and Refugee Studies) department's presentation of the preliminary findings for the 'Report on the Events of Forced Removal of the Sudanese Refugee Sit-in' at the Mustafa Mahmoud Park in Mohandiseen, Cairo.
Having visited the protest on several occasions, and knowing many of those involved either as my students in my English class or other acquaintances, I was shocked and appalled when I first heard of the events that occurred at the park on the eve of December 29, 2005. However, the media's interpretation of the events varied enormously, and general havoc broke out in the Cairo press over the issue. Nearly everybody's story said something different. This report marks the first comprehensive look at the events that took place.
But here's a little bit of background on the Sudanese refugee situation in Egypt. For starters, no one really knows how many Sudanese people are living here; the numbers have been estimated anywhere from 2-4 million. Since the 1950s, immigration has for the large part continually increased, especially with the onset of the civil war between North and South Sudan, and then again with the conflict in the Western Darfur region. Because of the large number of migrants, in 1994 UNHCR was given the task of confronting the increasing refugee problem. Since 1997, about 76,000 to 85,000 have been registered with UNHCR, though only 14,000 were ever resettled to a third country. Among the Sudanese population in Egypt, there are 24,000 currently seeking asylum--meaning that technically they have no status at all here. In all, there are between 60,000 and 65,000 Sudanese asylum seekers and refugees together. The legal distinctions between asylum seekers and refugees are critical; a refugee has either a "yellow" or "blue" card, which denotes that he or she has legal status here in Egypt, and lives here by right. These cards are issued by UNHCR after an interview process takes place, which can also open the possibility of resettlement in a third country. However, if the asylum seeker fails to meet these qualifications, he has no status, and his case is closed.
These huge refugee population has faced many problems and difficulties living here in Cairo. They have extremely limited access to services, and many restrictions are applied to them as refugees. It is extremely difficult to obtain a visa to work, and considering Egypt's prevalent unemployment problems, most refugees are forced to work in the informal sector where they are often exploited and taken advantage of. Additionally, education for children is scarce, and the list of regulations, legal documents, and fees, makes it nearly impossible for many refugee children to attend public schools. Perhaps the biggest problem of all, however, is the racist attitudes which surround all of these refugee issues. While it is true to a certain degree that "very black" people here are treated as foreigners and are sometimes harassed, taken advantage of, and discriminated against, especially by the police force, landlords, etc., I also must say that at least in my impression, there is a great deal of self-marginalization which also takes place. Yes, foreigners are treated differently here. And no, it isn't fair. But after all, refugees ARE a guest in their host country, and they must obey the laws and customs of Egypt if they wish to survive. However, I have repeatedly heard from many of the refugees how much they dislike Egyptians, and even that they "hate" Egyptian culture. This all creates a great sentiment of distrust between the refugee community and the host community, and tensions have eventually risen to a breaking point.
Among the other difficulties the refugees faced were problems with UNHCR. Among their biggest complaints was that there was a great lack of understanding and confidence. The Sudanese did not agree with UNHCR's "local integration" policies, which certainly did seem rather impossible--how can one "locally integrate" if they can't even work and go to school? Additionally, appointments were hard to get, waiting lists were huge, time delays ridiculous, and case files were often permanantly closed for what seemed to be no basis at all. Also, though it was not forcing repatriation, after the Peace Talks began between North and South Sudan, repatriation was strongly emphasized as an option.
On August 25, 2004, the refugees staged the first protest in front of the UNHCR building, where 22 were detained. Though relations quieted down somewhat after that, in the Summer of 2005, the "Refugee Voice" published and circulated their list of requests to UNHCR. When these went largely ignored, on September 29, 2005, the Sudanese refugee leaders went to the Mustafa Mahmoud Park near the UNHCR building with the statement that they would not leave until their demands were considered fairly. Though no formalized committee was sent out to gather supporters, within one week between 1,500 and 2,000 people had gathered in the park with their blankets, food supplies, and an overwhelming sense of unity and strength.
The protests lasted through three cold months. Though some health concerns were noted, many refugees reported that they found safety and empowerment at the camp, becoming actors rather than victims of their situation. Though the Egyptian government immediately deployed a large amount of police to keep watch over the park, relations between the protestors and police were relatively cordial.
Though UNHCR officials agreed to meet with leaders several times, little progress was made. The UNHCR attempted to dispell rumors about the poor situation of the refugees, and even claimed that many of the protestors were not even real refugees, but rather economic migrants. (However, a recent survey has shown that only as many as 15% of those in the park did not have refugee status.) On November 17, UNHCR offered the protestors a one time housing assistance and relief if they agreed to end the protest. While this offer was accepted, the Sudanese insisted that other demands such as case files being reopened took place as well. On December 17, UNHCR again offered a conditional agreement that they would hold one time interviews, and that people could go from the park to the office for their interview, and then were immediately to go "home." No clear concensus on agreement was found in the park, and no one moved. In the background, however, UNHCR had also been meeting with the Egyptian government, and the office encouraged the government to remove the refugees from the park. On December 22, the UNHCR wrote to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs that they had "exhausted all assistance and options," and was putting the problem in their hands.
Without warning, on the afternoon of December 29, 5,000 Egyptian riot police shuffled into the area outside the park, declaring that the protest was in violation of Egyptian law, the park was unsafe, and that each and every person in the park was to leave the park and be taken to an undisclosed location or be removed by force. Though the refugees insisted that before they leave, they send out an envoy along with UNHCR staff to inspect the "new location," none of their requests were accepted. The longer the police stood around the camp, the firmer the protesters planted their feet in the ground. After no one "volunteered" to leave the camp, the police began to release the water canons at 15 minute intervals, intermittently trying to achieve some movement. Adhering to their claim that there must be some guarantee of safety secured before they were to move, the protestors turned their backs on the police. With this, the police began the intimidation tactics--nationalist chants, marching, shouting, etc. At some point (now the accuracy gets a little fuzzy) the police entered the park with batons raised and the refugees began throwing bottles at the police. On one side of the camp, physical skirmishes broke out, with police aggressively beating the protestors, spraying chemicals, and trampling those who had hidden under the blankets from the water cannons. Individuals were escorted one by one out of the park by the police, and forced on buses. No medical attention was given to those who were injured in the process, and the only ambulances present were busy with collecting the dead. By 5:30am the camp was cleared.
As the buses departed, a total of 27 were left dead, including 11 children.
The Egyptian government reported that a total of 2,174 people were physically removed from the park by security. Once they were placed on the buses, they were taken to detention centers (similar to Egyptian prisons, such as military camps). Within several days, those who had their ID cards with them were released in various aread, while 654 still remained in detention. Many of those who did not have the proper documentation were children who had been separated from their families in the roundup process. Between December 30 and January 5, no access to the detainees was granted, not even to UNHCR. Finally, on the 5th, UNHCR was allowed in, and an additional 164 were released. By January 26 everyone was cleared. While at first rumors circulated that the Egyptian government was going to deport many of the protestors, eventually it was announced that no one would be forced to leave the country.
Though all of the refugees are out of the detention centers, many are still faced with hardships greater than before the protest. Many lost their belongings they had stored in the camp, including passports, IDs, and personal materials, no housing was available (or rather affordable) for many of those who had given up their flats to sit-in at the protest for the three months, and perhaps worst off, families who lost members during the forced removal did not have access to the dead bodies.
So the question everyone is now asking, is whose fault is this? Were the protestors making unreasonable claims and demands? Did the Egyptian government ignore their concerns and well being? Or did UNHCR fail to live up to its mandate and responsibilities?
Perhaps one of the biggest failures leading up to this even, has been the lack of access to accurate information. No one knew what was being said, what their status was, even what had already happened let alone what might happen next. In addition to information problems, there was also definitely bad communication and attitude on the part of UNHCR. While it certainly can't fix everyone's problems, put them on a plane to America, and appease every refugee's wishes, it is UNHCR's responsibility to ensure the protection of the refugees living in Egypt. It is within their role to provide accurate information, and promote an understanding relationship between asylum seekers and their office. Wasn't this situation at all forseeable? Three months is a LONG time. Had no one considered that perhaps it could turn violent? Wasn't it predictable that once Egyptian riot police forces moved in that things were sure to turn ugly? Why wasn't every possible other option exhausted before turning to the final forced removal of the protestors?
The situation is sad for all parties concerned. Nearly 30 are dead, and many of the survivors are worse off than they were before. There is no confidence or trust between the refugee community and UNHCR, and the relations between refugees and Egyptians have likely only worsened.
While I understand some of the difficulties which all parties faced in dealing with the situation, I must say that I am truly dismayed with UNHCR. While redneck conservative minded folks in the states may sometimes crack jokes about the role of the UN, in countries like Egypt, it is an essential figure to peace. It plays a vital role and has an everyday pressence. What's more, is people see the UN has the voice for the weak, for those who have been subordinated; it is the hand of justice, and even of hope. And now the weak have seemingly become voiceless.
posted by Katie Warren @ 12:13 PM
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